Today, I begin by expressing sympathies to the management and staff of The Observer for the numerous attacks inflicted on their office premises.
But I am also certain that this shall not move you an inch from playing this noble role, since these are the hazards of your profession, especially when you are working in this kind of environment. Nevertheless, let me delve into today’s topic.
I have consistently maintained that the surest way of delivering Uganda to a peaceful transition is by building strong and sustainable state institutions such as the police, army, prisons, judiciary, parliament and other socio and civil service sectors.
Equally important is to build strong political parties which, once in government, would ensure sustainability of the aforementioned, and which issue today shall be my concentration. Unfortunately, the reverse is true in Uganda’s context.
In fact, Mr Yoweri Museveni’s remarks immediately after taking oath in the recent controversial and contested election, testify to it. Reflecting, this self-proclaimed “statesman” said that one of his major tasks this time is to ensure that there will be no opposition by 2021. And the bickering within and amongst political parties in the opposition today could be a tip-off.
Incidentally, Mr Museveni’s open revelation of his ill intentions which, to me, he has harbored over time was good for us to prepare in advance.
Otherwise, ever since he shot his way to power, he has cunningly and dubiously portrayed himself as the all-inclusive person who works with everybody and yet his motives have been completely different.
His inclusion of the likes of Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere, Jabeeri Bidandi-Ssali and the late Mayanja Nkangi in his first cabinet, the introduction of individual merit and the Movement system, which he later turned into the NRM after using state money for its growth, were all aimed at destroying political, socio and religious institutions in the country. And, indeed, he has temporarily succeeded.
He has employed his contempt card of divide and rule well whereby Muslims and Christians whose bond with people was very strong is now shattered.
Apart from the cars that are given out to ‘friendly’ bishops and sheikhs without any clear policy other than Museveni’s will, nobody can tell whether money doesn’t exchange hands in darkness. So, instead of establishing unity amongst them, Muslims are killing one another for unknown reasons. Similarly, the cohesion that we used to know in the church is slowly diminishing.
Traditional institutions were, of course, the first victims. The creation of Sabanyala and Sabaruuli, for instance, was to specifically neutralize Buganda so that it concentrates on those divisions rather than paying attention to its political interests as a region in Uganda.
No wonder, just like those who disturb the Obusinga bwa Rwenzururu, all the state-created traditional leaders have a military background, which I don’t think is by mistake.
The guns are now turned to political parties, with complete total disregard of its dire consequence to the future of our country. So, as much as political parties like DP, FDC and UPC, whose one faction is each amalgamated with NRM, could be partly suffering from ideological bankruptcy, poverty and internal disorganization, the biggest enemy is Mr Museveni whose intention from the onset was never to see them grow.
Don’t get surprised if, for instance, the same person has a hand in the fresh war between Betty Nambooze, on the one hand, and Norbert Mao on the other.
If a person can give money to two boda boda or taxi wrangling groups rather than using that money as condition for their unification, such a person can easily give money to both Mao and Nambooze supporters to go for each other’s neck. And this may not be different from what is happening in FDC either.
However, in spite of all the aforementioned, we have the obligation to clean our houses by doing what we are expected of as political party leaders.
I don’t subscribe to the politics of lamentations, but that of finding solutions to our failures. If Mao, for instance, can invite Muruli Mukasa, a cabinet minister, to occasion the late murdered Andrew Kayiira’s memorial function, how can the same fail to sit with the Erias Lukwagos and Namboozes to sort differences?
Lastly, it’s important for political parties to always draw differences between leaders, members, supporters, followers and sympathizers. Otherwise, if it’s not drawn, then all their members shall play the same roles as is the case today, and such political parties are headed for disaster.
The author is the vice chairman and spokesperson of the People’s Progressive Party.
