I was a junior subeditor at The Independent magazine when I asked my colleague and employer, Andrew Mwenda, what he thought of Museveni’s use of power.
By then, I was the editor of Mwenda’s column – a prized item of the newspaper. And as you can imagine, only recently out of university, the most I did was dotting the ‘i’s and crossing the tees. Sometimes, I would ask the famed columnist a clarification or two. But not much. I should say, though, it was an experience I enjoyed immensely.
On this occasion, Mwenda had written one other scintillating piece about how Yoweri Museveni had mastered the craft of retaining power, which took the form of either playing one constituency over another (especially in the case of internal conflicts within one unit) or just massaging the egos of powerful individuals or groups: the church, Muslims, Buganda, other kingdoms, academics at Makerere, medical doctors, military Generals, et cetera.
Mwenda had convincingly argued that this was Museveni’s technology for longevity in power. Although later in life, I have come to disagree entirely. (My contention is that Museveni has been a committed worker for foreign capital – and this explains his longevity more than anything else).
But I need to say Mwenda’s was a well-argued piece. But after acknowledging Museveni’s genius at keeping power – now at 40 years, which is surely no small feat – I asked Mwenda what Museveni did with this power? What has he got to show for it?
Mwenda gave me that typical wry smile, and said many incredible things about belief systems and traditions, and of course, power. I have often returned to this question. It is 40 years now – I have become exposed to the East African region with Uganda’s peers – and I still struggle to see bwana Museveni’s contribution to Uganda.
Oftentimes, you’ll bounce into analysts measuring Museveni developmental greatness from Kampala’s traffic jams, and the endless private housing projects across the country. But the most eloquent of Museveni’s spokespeople speak about keeping the peace in the country.
Without downplaying the place of peace in Uganda, surely, the biggest, if not the only return on investment – 40 years down the road – cannot be just a peaceful country.
Considering that the people (United States of America, western Europe) who tend to destabilize peace in many countries are actually our friends, surely Uganda ought to demand more than just peace and sleep. Unless the argument is that their friendship with western Europe and the USA has been the cost our well-being.
The truth is that in many places where leaders have kept the peace, it has been an ingredient for the overall development of the country. There are just many examples of countries coming out of violence and radically transforming themselves: Iran, North Korea, Kenya after 2007 post-electoral violence. Pakistan. Vietnam. Cuba. Cambodia, among others.
Consider this pain: Uganda is a country where government reports indicate that just one per cent of working Ugandans earn Shs 1 million. We are 40 million people. In the same vein, 12 million Ugandans are facing starvation. (There is an ongoing famine in the Karamoja region presently).
Another 14 million Ugandans are mentally sick. Not from voodoo or anything else, but issues relating to the economy. In fact, in its report, the ministry of health said the number was higher than 14 million, and was rising every day.
Why pride in a country of peaceful, sleepful but hungry and mentally sick people! The picture at a macro level is even more embarrassing: After 40 years, we don’t have a public transport system.
The Uganda Railway station in Jinja was turned into a museum. Not even public buses – and Ugandans are perishing every single day doing long journeys in buses. Our public health is for the “museum” – as Justice Mulyagonja recently noted.
Museveni’s so-called rich friends are commissioningagents for foreign banks, foreign telecoms, foreign miners, foreign coffee exporters. Our tourism sector is just natural resources no government initiative. In a country where Shs 9 – 10 trillion is stolen annually, then peace is a wasted ingredient.
A HALF-COMMUNIST GOVERNMENT?
We have surely seen the best of Museveni. Whether we like it or not, soon or later there will be a new head of state. I have appealed to pundits that perhaps it was high time we started imagining a future after Museveni – imagined within the confines of our difficult politics.
Whether autocracy or democracy, a government ought to have an ideological anchor to steer it forward. (Museveni has presided over a fairly empty autocracy. The next one ought to be better).
A country as rich as Uganda, surely half-communism, half-nationalism would do the magic: Maybe China or Indonesia are too far, but Tanzania, Ethiopia and Iran are close examples. Museveni’s government has had many pseudo-development projects which, as Mwenda noted, simply help keep a government in power.
Consider for example, buying vehicles for clergy or having names of kings and chiefs added to the government payroll. It looks like development for entire kingdom or chiefdom, but it is just a projection of power.
With the banking sector in the hands of foreign capital – charging extortionist interest rates – Museveni’s other pseudo-development projects have included Entandikwa, NUSAF, Parish Development Model (PDM), Emyooga, One-Acre Model, among others.
Ironically, there is only a surge in poverty, and many more Ugandans are running out of the country. How did government transform itself into a credit facility? Why not fight to establish a proper banking regime?
This article cannot be exhaustive enough on how to run a pseudo-communist government. The point I’m making is that potential heads of the next government ought to start thinking early and long-term. It could be opposition leader Robert Kyagulanyi; FDC’s Nandala Mafabi, or PLU leader Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba. The pursuit of power cannot be an end in itself.
yusufkajura@gmail.com
The author is a political theorist based at Makerere University.