On July 28, 2005, Ugandans voted in a referendum to restore multiparty politics, effectively ending 20 years of the movement system in Uganda. After seizing power in 1986, the National Resistance Movement (NRM) initiated fundamental changes based on a 10-point program, with President Yoweri Museveni promising four years to establish democratic institutions.
During this transition, political parties were barred from mobilizing or campaigning, though they were allowed to exist. The NRM eventually organized direct elections for a constituent assembly, in which candidates ran as independents, sidelining political parties.
The 1995 constitution was subsequently established. The constituent assembly extended non-party governance for over five years. Under the movement system, presidential and parliamentary elections occurred in 1996, with Museveni winning and securing re-election in 2001 against competitors, including his former ally, Dr Kizza Besigye.
In February 2006, the first elections under the new multiparty system were held, resulting in another victory for Museveni. Since the restoration of multiparty politics, democratic practices have faced significant challenges. Security agencies have consistently targeted opposition mobilization activities, resulting in numerous arrests, charges, and imprisonments of opposition politicians.
Some have been placed under house arrest, while others have faced violence from security forces. A report by Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung on the state of multiparty democracy in Uganda details how, in the lead-up to the 2006 elections, Besigye, the leader of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), was charged with treason and rape in both civil and military courts.
These legal challenges delayed his candidacy and restricted his campaign efforts. In 2021, Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, known as Bobi Wine, the main opposition presidential candidate, campaigned in a bulletproof jacket and helmet amid violence reportedly instigated by state forces.
OPPOSITION MPS COLLABORATE WITH POLICE
To strengthen their presence in various constituencies, some opposition MPs have begun collaborating with police to stage-manage protests, during which they are often violently arrested, taken to their homes, or held for a few hours before being released.
According to a source, it has become common for prominent opposition politicians to partner with police in organizing these protests, particularly in the Greater Kampala metropolitan area.
“The deal is executed between the district police commander or director for operations and the politician. The officers are paid for the deployment of policemen during protests, while others are not compensated depending on their relationship with the client. Once the deal is finalized, politicians announce the date and venue for the protests,” the source revealed.
These protests are strategically timed to bolster the popularity of politicians whose support has waned among voters, particularly as elections approach.
“The engineered protests are normally held at the beginning of the election cycle to garner sympathy votes. Meanwhile, the police benefit significantly; they receive operational allowances, fuel, and recognition for quelling protests, leading to promotions for many officers involved,” the source added.
A journalist who covered one such organized protest recounted walking alongside a popular opposition MP from a village in Wakiso district.
“We walked for about three to four hours, attracting a large crowd, which included police officers. The politician aimed to reach the district headquarters, but our progress was halted by a roadblock manned by numerous armed police officers,” he said.
As they approached the roadblock, the district police commander (DPC), a woman, engaged the politician in conversation.
“The DPC claimed the march was illegal, stating that they hadn’t sought police clearance. However, the politician glanced at the large crowd and asked, ‘Where is the car you told me about?’ The DPC pointed to a police pickup about 20 metres away and warned, ‘When we start firing tear gas, please take cover in that pickup,’” the journalist reported.
“When they began firing tear gas, the MP took cover in the patrol vehicle, while the crowd endured the effects for over 30 minutes. Eventually, the MP was driven home, leaving his constituents in distress amid the lingering tear gas,” he recounted.
An opposition MP from Kampala recently approached a police boss to discuss the declining support he was experiencing in his constituency.
“You have taken a long time without arresting me. What is the issue? I am losing support in the constituency,” the MP expressed.
In response, the police boss advised, “Look for something that will attract the attention of your voters, and I will order for deployment. Don’t worry, my brother.”
Taking this advice to heart, the MP focused on combating government actions against individuals encroaching on swamps for economic activities.
After announcing the day of his campaign, the police boss swiftly coordinated police deployment. However, by the end of the day, the MP was violently arrested, charged, and subsequently released on police bond. While his constituents viewed him as fighting for their interests, it became clear that he was also trying to boost his popularity.
Sources did not disclose whether the former director received any payment for his involvement. According to the source, this practice is common among opposition political parties.
“The National Unity Platform (NUP) has not mastered the art of sustaining themselves in politics because they believe they are still strong on the ground,” the source noted.
POLICE RESPONSE
Rusoke Kituuma, the police spokesperson, denied any knowledge of such practices.
“We don’t have such information because if we did, we would act. This would amount to subjective tendencies, and as professional officers, we do not promote or aid public protests,” he stated.
Kituuma encouraged anyone with credible information to report it for verification, emphasizing that there are no special allowances for police officers conducting their duties.
“If there is a challenge of public disorder, officers respond as they would on any other day, and it does not come with monetary benefits,” he explained.
“We don’t promote disorder because public disturbances are undesirable. They pose risks to people’s lives and property; so, it would be unacceptable for a police officer to fuel or aid such activities.”
POLITICAL PARTIES REACT
Waiswa Mufumbiro, deputy spokesperson for NUP, stated, “I don’t have those examples; I wish you shared them with me so I could identify those individuals. In NUP, most of our activities are institutionalized; they are not individualized, which negates the issue of connivance. The public is more vigilant than it has been against such political games.”
He added, “In NUP, that doesn’t exist, and if it does, feel free to contact us as the leadership, and we will address it because we stand for transparency, equity, and accountability.”
John Kikonyogo, spokesperson for the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), commented on the alleged practices of police officers who arrest opposition members only to release some to create doubt within the opposition.
“The truth is that we are not working with them. The allegation that opposition politicians are paying police is aimed at tarnishing our image,” he asserted.
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