Erias Lukwago representing Kizza Besigye and Obed Lutale

This week, Uganda’s legal heart-beat pulsed with a single question: who truly holds power when justice seems to bend under pressure?

From treason charges and election reversals to long-awaited murder confessions, Uganda’s courtrooms felt more like stages in a gripping political drama than chambers of impartial law. As high-profile cases played out, the lines between justice, power and political performance blurred.

A WALKOUT FOR JUSTICE — BESIGYE LEFT ALONE IN THE DOCK

On the morning of May 29, a hush fell over Nakawa Chief Magistrate’s Court—until it shattered. Dr Kizza Besigye’s legal team, citing violations of due process and judicial overreach, abruptly stood, packed their documents, and walked out—leaving Uganda’s most prominent opposition figure to face treason charges alone.

MOMENTS BEFORE, THE CHIEF MAGISTRATE HAD RULED:

“I have heard the application for mandatory release. The prosecution says three months, the defense says the charges are a continuation from the court martial. The jurisdiction of this court is ousted by the practice directions, and this court lacks jurisdiction.”

Under different circumstances, such a ruling might have gone unnoticed. But this is no ordinary trial. Besigye is accused of leading a conspiracy to overthrow the Ugandan government through armed rebellion and economic sabotage.

His co-accused include his aide, Hajji Obeid Lutale; a UPDF officer, Captain Denis Oola; and several members of the breakaway Katonga faction of the FDC. The state’s case reads like a Cold War thriller: clandestine meetings in Geneva, alleged arms deals in Nairobi, encrypted code names—like “pineapples” for grenades—and a government informant, code-named AW, who claims to have infiltrated the plot at its highest levels.

The evidence? Secret recordings, WhatsApp messages, surveillance footage, and immigration logs—all reportedly tying Besigye’s civil disobedience campaign to a broader scheme of treason. But Besigye’s lawyers say the charges are nothing more than political fiction.

“This is not law,” one attorney said as they exited the courtroom. “This is persecution by paperwork.” Human rights observers have raised alarm over the case’s implications for judicial independence in Uganda, especially in politically sensitive matters. Is justice unfolding—or is state power simply tightening its grip?

KAGEZI’S GHOST — A CONFESSION, A NAME AND NEW SUSPICIONS

Ten years ago, senior prosecutor Joan Kagezi was gunned down in front of her children. Her courage in tackling terrorism and corruption cases made her a symbol of justice—and her murder sent shockwaves through Uganda’s legal community. For years, the case remained cold.

That changed this week when ex-UPDF soldier Daniel Kisekka pleaded guilty to the killing. He was sentenced to 35 years in prison. But the most startling moment came when he named the person he claims ordered the hit: “Nickson.”

Kisekka testified that he was promised $200,000 for the assassination but received only Shs 500,000. The betrayal was deep. The motive? Still unknown. Shortly after the confession, former Special Police commander Nixon Agasirwe, once a towering figure in Uganda’s security circles, was arrested.

Yet cracks quickly emerged in the story. Kisekka couldn’t remember the vehicle’s license plate. He couldn’t confirm the alleged mastermind’s surname. He claimed only one meeting in Katwe where he received a weapon and instructions.

Legal analyst Dr Sarah Tumusiime commented: “Justice requires answers—not just who pulled the trigger, but who loaded the gun and why.”

Kagezi’s legacy endures as one of fearlessness and integrity. But this week’s developments suggest her story—and pursuit of justice—is far from over.

NALUKOOLA’S VANISHING VICTORY — DEMOCRACY ON TRIAL

For Elias Luyimbazi Nalukoola, it was supposed to be over. After a bitterly contested race, the opposition candidate emerged victorious in Kawempe North, defeating NRM heavyweight Faridah Nambi by more than 8,000 votes.

Nambi even publicly congratulated him. But within days, the Electoral Commission announced that results from 14 polling stations had been excluded from the tally. The ballots? Allegedly destroyed. The math? Suddenly didn’t add up.

NALUKOOLA DRAGGED BACK INTO COURT

On May 30, High court Justice Bernard Namanya issued a swift ruling: “The one that was voted has been set aside. The seat is vacant. The EC is ordered to organize fresh elections.”

Observers were stunned by the speed. “This appeal went through court like water through a sieve,” one lawyer remarked. A fresh vote must now be held within six months—placing the by-election around February 2026.

But analysts say the damage to democratic trust is already done. “This was always the plan,” an anonymous political strategist suggested.

“They knew 14 stations were missing. This wasn’t a mistake. It was a calculated delay to blunt opposition momentum—and it worked.” Nalukoola has filed an appeal, but the road back to parliament now looks steep—and riddled with political landmines.

TENSIONS BEYOND BORDERS — EAST AFRICA FEELS THE RIPPLES

Uganda isn’t alone in its legal turbulence. Last week, Ugandan lawyer Agather Atuhaire and Kenyan activist Boniface Mwangi were arrested in Tanzania while attempting to attend the treason trial of opposition leader Tundu Lissu.

Mwangi later claimed he was tortured, electrocuted, and beaten while Atuhaire claimed having been raped. Atuhaire was deported back to Uganda. The incident drew international condemnation, sparking new concerns about freedom of movement and regional clampdowns on civil liberties.

In East Africa today, justice is increasingly being tested—and too often manipulated—as governments tighten control. As the courtrooms quieted at week’s end, the silence that followed wasn’t relief—it was suspense.

Suspense over what comes next. Over ver- dicts that may shape the 2026 elections. Over a judiciary that now finds itself caught in the crossfire between political will and public expectation.

Ugandans are asking themselves: is the rule of law being served—or subverted?

THIS WEEK’S LEGAL FLASH- POINTS

• May 28: Daniel Kisekka sentenced for Joan Kagezi’s murder; names “Nickson” in court.

• May 29: Besigye’s legal team walks out of Nakawa court in protest.

May 30 (Noon): High court annuls Elias Nalukoola’s election win, calls for new vote.

Ongoing: Nixon Agasirwe under investigation in Kagezi assassination.

All week: Growing public outrage on X (Twitter) over EC bias, military court abuse, and rising judicial mistrust.

5 replies on “Courtroom drama: Besigye walkout, Kagezi’s named killer, and Nalukoola’s fall”

  1. Dear Observer, thanks for your article about the maverick and successful Katikkiro of Buganda that appeared only one day in your good paper and at once disappeared without trace! The article contained a musical of Kibaluma concerning how those opposed to the way the Buganda Kingdom State affaires are being run uphazardly. With such; THIS WEEK’S LEGAL FLASH- POINTS well outlined for the public of this country to understand, it is unfortunate that the Katikkiro and his Mengo regional tier government have no official concern and human passion about central government injustices that is being meted out to the people of this country every other day. Injustices is the violation of principles of fairness, equity, and moral rightness within social, political, economic, and legal contexts of which the State of Buganda is signitory to the UN Declaration of Human Rights. That attitude of the Buganda government of tekirina nsonga, mwe abali eyo Kibalume ought to stop. Innocent people are being punished and killed on the territory of Buganda as the former military President of Uganda, Idi Amin, did in that very Ganda Palace of Twekobe 53 years ago! Putting its head in the sand like an ostrich when injustice is happening is very unfortunate indeed for the Kingdom state of Buganda. That is why many of the Ganda fraternity is under the proposal of not continuing to attending the next national elections organised by this long serving government of the political party of NRM. The national elections are violent, and rigged. Reforms of electoral laws have been discontinued half way through. Gerrymandering is actively done in the open as commercial businesses. The elections are not free and fair.

  2. NO to the tribalistic system, then UNITY are all Ugandans need, to ensure Rwandese Museveni is out, then form the kind of governance they want, even independent tribal states & each tribe will govern & give Social, Public Services to its people!

    Yet all Ugandans do is ensure there is no opposition to Museveni & he’s protected by all means, WHY?

    Museveni can now dissolve the tribalistic system he doesn’t need any more, after all, which tribal leader will stand up to ensure his tribal land & subjects are FREE & INDEPENDENT from Museveni’s Uganda?

    1. It is interesting how you single out Buganda kingdom yet these issues concern all the affiliates of the other traditional kingdoms and chiefdoms …
      It is known that certain people do not like the Baganda for a myriad of reasons…so why should Buganda ( which interestingly if not for it’s efforts all the other kingdoms and chiefdoms and now groups would not have “returned” under the Museveni regime) stick out it’s neck for the rest of the country, don’t others have their cultural institutions owaye is Buganda Uganda’s yesu ?
      You can call yourself kabakayeka all you want( call yourself any name…you are for instance nshumye and call yourself nsubuga)
      Kilungi mujja kifilinga.
      Bulinbuzi Kun kondo yayo…you cant claim to hate Buganda and baganda then when things get hot you call them, you have your own cultural institutions beseech them…
      “No federo for Buganda…” Then when things get hot… Buganda Buganda !!!
      🤡 Clowns just. Mutulekemu namwe…

  3. kabayekka, understood, but,

    As long as Ugandans go along with the tribalistic system Rwandese Museveni so so cleaverly put i place & have no Common Goal, there is no way Rwandese Museveni will be stopped!

    Sudan & S. Sudan were 1 nation when their brother Idi Amin took over Uganda & they flooded into Uganda, made it their land, killed Ugandans! Yet now, Rwandese Museveni is deploying UPDF in fight in Sudan & S. Sudan!

    Ugandans are POWERLESS tribally divided ruled working for & ensuring Museveni’s lifetime rule & succession by his son! Which means the enemies of Ugandans are themselves!

    Is there any reason POWERLESS tribally divided ruled Ugandans go for next fake presidential election to ensure Museveni, the only winner, is protected constititionally for 45 years?

  4. The mandate of the Lukiiko of the state of Buganda during 1966 did sit and ordered the savage Central government of Dr Obote to leave the premises of the territory of Buganda. That savage African government was violent, illegitimate and undemocratic. It was meting out injustices left, right and center in only five years of its governance, to many of the citizens of Uganda and many of them filled the prison of Luzira for political persecution! Image that this is a government of NRM that has been governing this country for 40 years and counting. When is it going to face up to its atrocities?

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