In a sharply critical report, two research groups have raised a chilling alarm: the country’s military is no longer simply a tool of state power; it is the state.
Titled Guns Everywhere: The Military and Transition Politics in Uganda, the report by the Great Lakes Institute for Strategic Studies and Innovations for Democratic Engagement and Action lays bare a political order in which the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) has moved from the barracks into the boardrooms of national decision-making.
At the center of the report’s thesis is a startling claim: the 1995 Constitution’s promise that “power belongs to the people” has been systematically hollowed out. Instead, what remains is a state increasingly governed by soldiers, not civilians.
“We’ve seen the military dominate every aspect of Ugandan society—cultural institutions, religious institutions, the economy and politics,” said Godber Tumushabe, assistant director of the Great Lakes Institute, in an interview.
“The increasingly visible role of the military in elections explains why our politics has become more violent.”
FROM OVERSIGHT TO OVERREACH
While public scrutiny has mostly focused on the controversial trial of civilians in military courts, the report argues that the deeper crisis lies within the evolving structure of the UPDF itself.
The recent enactment of the UPDF Amendment Act of 2025 is, in the authors’ view, the latest in a long series of legal maneuvers that have gradually formalized previously ad hoc and unconstitutional military units, particularly the Special Forces Command and Reserve Forces—into the state security apparatus.
“These units were created illegally. Now, they’re being retroactively legalized,” said Tumushabe. “This isn’t just a loophole. It’s a complete bypassing of democratic norms.”
ECHOES OF THE PAST
The report doesn’t shy away from historical parallels, comparing today’s security climate to the darkest chapters of Uganda’s post-independence history—particularly the reign of Idi Amin.
“Depending on where you live, what you do, your political beliefs, or your proximity to the regime, life in Uganda can quickly become terrifying,” the report warns.
It details a litany of abuses—kidnappings, torture, illegal detention, and extrajudicial killings—suggesting a nation sliding back into authoritarianism under the guise of order and stability.
“As Museveni’s political con- trol becomes more precarious, his reliance on military power mirrors the old NRA days of the Luweero Bush War—not the democratic aspirations laid out in the 1995 Constitution,” Tumushabe added.
A MILITARY WITH NO EXIT STRATEGY
The report provides a sobering account of Uganda’s military evolution—from the colonial King’s African Rifles, through Obote and Amin’s personalized security forces, to the National Resistance Army (NRA), which brought President Museveni to power in 1986.
Although the NRA was later rebranded as the UPDF, the study argues that this change was cosmetic. The DNA of the force, it says, remains rooted in party loyalty rather than national service. The result is a military that, far from being politically neutral, functions as an enforcer of regime continuity.
“What Uganda has now is not a national army. It is a regime army,” Tumushabe said.
WHEN THE UNIFORM BECOMES THE LAW
Perhaps the most damning portion of the report focuses on the erosion of civilian oversight and legal accountability. It notes that violence meted out by men in uniform—whether under official command or not—has become so commonplace that police often act as an afterthought, arriving only to “clean up” the mess left behind.
Units like the Special Forces Command, Joint Anti-Terrorism Task Force, and the shadowy Kiboko Squad are repeatedly linked to crackdowns on dissent, the report says, yet operate in legal gray zones with little to no oversight.
“Lines of responsibility have completely blurred,” Tumushabe noted.
“In many instances, the UPDF operates with impunity, while the police are left dis- disoriented and disempowered.”
UGANDA’S CROSS-ROADS
The report paints a sobering picture of a country at a point where the formal structures of democracy remain intact on paper, but real power lies elsewhere.
The UPDF, once a symbol of national liberation, has evolved into the dominant political institution in Uganda. For many citizens, this means living under the shadow of militarized governance that punishes dissent and rewards obedience.
It is a transformation that, according to the report’s authors, risks turning Uganda into a state where the ballot is no match for the barrel. And as the country inches closer to the 2026 general elections, the role of the military will almost certainly come under greater scrutiny—both at home and abroad.
Until then, the question remains painfully urgent: who truly holds power in Uganda— and who holds them to account?
UPDF FIRES BACK AT REPORT
When Maj. Gen Felix Kulayigye, spokesperson for the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF), was interviewed for a comment, he did not mince his words. “To call this report intellectually bankrupt would be generous,” he said, his tone clipped and unwavering.
“It’s biased, one-sided—and frankly, dishonest.” Kulayigye roundly dismissed the assertion that the UPDF’s influence in Uganda has grown beyond constitutional bounds, shaping political transitions, public administration, and even civil society in ways that undermine democracy.
“We weren’t even invited to the table.” His frustration begins with the process. “The authors never consulted us—not even for a basic conversation,” he said.
“If you’re going to write a report on the military, shouldn’t you at least talk to the military?” To him, the omission isn’t just poor research—it’s intellectual malpractice. “Intellectual justice demands that both sides be heard. We were not invited to a forum, not asked for a comment, not even to a simple lunch discussion.”
A NATIONAL INSTITUTION, NOT A ROGUE FORCE
Kulayigye insists the UPDF is a national institution—deeply rooted in the law and account- able to civil authority.
“We recruit transparently, across every district. We even use an online system to ensure fairness and access,” he explained. “If someone claims the UPDF isn’t representative of the country, they’re either deliberately ignoring facts or suffering from temporary amnesia.”
He is especially proud of the UPDF’s legal framework.
“We operate strictly under the UPDF Act,” he says. “We serve the president, yes—but within a structure defi ned by the Constitution and by parliament. We don’t take orders from individuals. We follow the law.”
WHEN CIVILIANS FALL SHORT, WHO STEPS IN?
To Kulayigye, one of the report’s most glaring flaws is its failure to ask why the military is increasingly involved in public service delivery.
“Did the researchers stop to consider why ministries like Health and Education have called upon the UPDF to execute major projects?” he asks.
“Because they’ve failed. And someone has to step in.” He points to the recent rehabilitation of Namboole stadium as a case in point. Originally projected to cost Shs 340 billion, the UPDF Engineering Brigade completed the project for just Shs 97 billion.
“That’s a massive saving for Ugandan taxpayers,” he says. “And instead of being recognized, we’re being vilified?” Kulayigye frames this not as overreach, but as responsible service.
“The president was elected on a manifesto—a promise to the people. If civilian institutions can’t deliver because of inefficiency or corruption, what is he supposed to do? Fold his arms and do nothing?”
A POLITICAL LENS ON PATRIOTIC SERVICE?
The general’s voice grows more serious when he talks about the potential damage of politically charged narratives. “What is shocking,” he says, “is that this report holds no one accountable for failure—but condemns those who are doing the work.”
Kulayigye fears the report reflects a broader trend: the politicisation of academia.
“Research should be grounded in truth and fairness. But more and more, scholars are pushing partisan narratives under the guise of analysis,” he says.
Despite his disappointment, he remains confident in the UPDF’s record—both in Uganda and abroad.
“We are recognized wherever we serve. Our discipline, our values and our work ethic are consistent, whether we’re in Somalia, South Sudan, or Namboole,” he adds.
BEYOND THE HEADLINES
At the heart of Kulayigye’s argument is a call for nuance. Yes, the military is visible in sectors once dominated by civilian leadership. But in his view, that’s a symptom of broader dysfunction—not ambition for power.
“Let’s have an honest conversation,” he says.
“If the military steps in and delivers better results at a lower cost, shouldn’t that raise questions about the performance of those who were originally responsible?”
As Uganda’s political landscape continues to shift ahead of the 2026 elections, debates over the role of the military are bound to intensify. But for now, Kulayigye’s message is clear: the UPDF isn’t overstepping—it’s stepping up.
Kulayigye claims, “The president was elected on a manifesto—a promise to the people…”
This statement shows the army spokesperson suffers from intellectual amnesia. The election was regarded as a grand fraud where the UPDF was active seen on viral videos, blocking the opposition parties from addressing the supporters, and taking over some voting areas to protect ballot stuffing of the preticked papers to disenfranchise the helpless Ugandans.
Hasn’t Kulayigye seen the wonderful UPDF raid opposition headquarters to disrupt their activities? Did he see UPDF active in Kawempe North elections, coming out more as goons than a disciplined and nonpartisan army? The whole world, which you claim adores your army, was watching with dismay.
This report has come at the right time as CDF now says SFC, instead of police, will provide security for NUP leader, whose supporters were abducted by the same, and are rotting in jail on trumped-up charges. Kulayigye can be so disgustingly intellectually dishonest. When he is on TV, I switch off.
👏🏿👏🏿👏🏿👏🏿👏🏿
…and taking over some voting areas to protect ballot stuffing of the preticked papers to disenfranchise the helpless Ugandans…
Ugandans are just sleepy.
1. Do these “Army men” come from Mars ?
Someone is raping your daughter in broad daylight (stealing your choice for a better future for yourself and your children) and you just look on ?
Why not suspend the voting and stop the “announcer” from leaving until everything is put right ?
2. Or making the roads impassable; cutting off their escape and entry, so that they come on foot(with visible AK 47s and preticked votes ) and know that if they “mess up” they will have to flee on foot with a high chance of getting caught and “taught good manners”…
Mutwale eri… do your part as citizens. Lamenting to whom ?
Don’t you know where they live ?
Don’t you know who they are ?
Do they wear masks ? And even if they do, can’t you suspend voting until they either take off the masks or go away ?
Please, this stupidity has to stop; you are “bullied” by these guys because you deserve to be “bullied”…just lamenting won’t change anything- make them lose appetite.
When you go to Google, just 3 million Bobi wine “voters” out number both military and police personnel(combined) 50 to 1(
For every 50 Bobi wine supporters, one police man or army guy “controls” them- an AK-47 has 30 bullets per magazine)
Hiccup. To be in such a country with such people…
Please listen to “go to church” by ice cube, Snoop Dogg and little jon – “… If you are a scared ******* go to church,
If you are a crazy ****** go berserk…”
I do not know any other way to get through to you.
Hiccup
“If civilian institutions can’t deliver because of inefficiency or corruption, what is he supposed to do? Fold his arms and do nothing?” Indeed this military guy in a way agrees with the report that because of much failure by this long serving civilian government to develop the country, the Uganda Army has got to come out and take over state responsibilities before the country goes to the dogs as dipicted by the Tick Tock journalist of half landon!
In other words Sudah, Gen Kulayigye is but a soulless and cold-blooded sadist who participated in the 5-year organized murder of innocent Ugandans in Luweero and Greater Northern Uganda.
Otherwise, just as from Feb 1981, the NRA subverted and disrupted the peaceful lives of the people of Luweero the whole country and blamed it on Obote (RIP); the UPDF is the same bloody double faced NRA under hood, namely: the Ugandans People’s Disruptive (subversive) Force.
If you a suspect in killing say, wayengera, and a witness says he saw you stopping him before he disappeared, but later found dead, and you say they should have called you for a lunch discussion, before arresting you, are not proving that where you are to blame you demand a buffet and a cup of wine in a five star hotel.
Felix the report is about torture, abduction, killings, detention without trial in competent court, LDU becoming national army army beating up police officers, army beating up people in polling stations, a family making national decisions, eg rampara RDC Nakamya story, Kulayigye, story is long leave your simple lunch things out of issues involving life threatening regiment
Again, something formal, though not really news, but at least it gets certain things going.
There’s a way, if you have ever noticed how evil works, that after seeing the same pattern all over the globe, you realize that demons are extremely well aligned to the character of their commander, the devil. That’s why, even if the devil himself doesn’t show up on the scene, we still say the devil did it, because the demons excel in their master’s ways every time. So their master, the devil, ensures his demons are embedded in every situation possible and the end result, whenever the demons have their way, is exactly the devil’s character which is steal, kill, and destroy … and he is the father of manipulation and lies.
There you go.
Of all that has been said here, it is what Kulayige says that is most displeasing! How can he acknowledge that the military is visible in sectors once dominated by civilian leadership and yet go ahead to say the report is dishonest? Of course, I had a disturbing feeling about the constant reference to Godber as the only authority, as it reduces objectivity, tainting the report as an individual’s opinion. However, facts are stubborn! The army’s involvement exceeds constitutional limits and demonstrates its function as a tool for the regime’s survival.urvival. Where haven’t they been? Parliament, Sembabule, NRM elections, the streets… The army is no longer in the barracks!
” The army is no longer in the barracks” is an understatement”
I think he more accurate version should be that “the army has been unleashed on the public”. Plus ” the GUN has officially been introduced into and is now part of “elections”
The sad truth is that this type of trend is almost always irreversible.
This drift is just one of many side effects of a failing leadership . People , including these who carry weapons , have come to the realization that the Supreme Leader is weak , ideologically vulnerable and manipulatable.
Everyone is the mood to grab whatever they can lay their hands on-by whichever means available.
This is exactly what UNLA did when Obote wrongly thought that involving the army , special force , all kinds of secret agencies was strategically advantageous to him and UPC.
Apollo, since 25th Jan 1986, these guys and girls have never been in the barracks, not even for one day. They have been all over the place armed to the teeth with AK47, machine guns and these days, Antiaircraft machineguns.
SO MUCH SO THAT: any visitor coming to country for the first time, would think we are in a military ‘state of emergency’.
Talk about Demons, I will repeat a thousand times. The Demon that rode on Gen Amin’ Dad’s shoulders to overthrow the 1st UPC administration on 25th Jan 1971, and in 8 years literally destroyed the country’s socio-political economy; is the same Demon that hopped onto Gen Tibuhaburwa shoulders, to overthrow the second UPC administration on 25th Jan 1986, and for 39s and counting, continuing to destroy (CORRUPT) the country especially to its very moral roots.
Who e.g., in his/her right state of mind can deny that the Ugandan president, his Vice, the Internal and External Affairs Ministers, their Deputies and/or Permanent Secretaries, RDC’s etc.; are either retired or active soldiers?
And who in his/her right state of mind can deny that the psyche in the armed forces operates on the professional principles of “authoritarian ethics”, sic ‘order from above (yes sir) without questioning’?
So … my suggestion is this : ELECTIONS ,of any sort, should be ABOLISHED .
Let Mr. Museveni rule until he is no longer here . As Uganda`s second LIFE PRESIDENT , he should appoint anybody of any office . He should appoint an Army General as Speaker , who will also be permitted to appoint members of the parliament — all of them armed.
Political parties should all be banned . The word “CORRUPTION” should be removed from Uganda vocabulary .