IBRAHIM SSEMUJJU NGANDA, the member of parliament for Kira Municipality and a prominent figure in the FDC-Katonga faction, has announced the group’s intention to form a new political party.
In an interview with The Observer, Ssemujju stated that there was near-unanimous agreement among FDC members they consulted nationwide to sever ties with the Najjanankumbi faction led by Patrick Oboi Amuriat. He revealed that a delegates’ conference has been scheduled for August 19, where the decision to establish a new party will be formally made.
Excerpts:
You have called for a delegates’ conference on August 19. What is the purpose of this meeting?
August 19 marks a significant moment for us. It represents the culmination of both the challenges we’ve faced with our colleagues who remain at Najjanankumbi and the insights gained from our nationwide tours with Dr Kizza Besigye.
The feedback we have gathered from these regions will be used to inform our decisions. I can confidently say that over 80 percent of those we have engaged with support the formation of a new party.
However, we cannot proceed with forming the new party while we are still operating as the FDC. The FDC remains an active organization, making formal decisions through its established organs. This could very well be the last time we identify ourselves as FDC and convene as an FDC organ. The delegates’ conference will allow FDC members to formally review and discuss the proposals they have them- selves advocated for.
The anticipated decision, which I am confident will be the formation of a new party, will necessitate the formal dissolution of the FDC. Therefore, August 19 is a pivotal day in the political history of the FDC and for those of us involved, as it marks the beginning of a new chapter in our political journey.
Wouldn’t some interpret this as a defeat for you by the Najjanankumbi group?
The delegates’ conference held at Katonga, under significant pressure, made several decisions, including pursuing a legal route to reclaim our party. We encountered a setback in court, particularly with Justice Musa Ssekaana, who seemed to act in a biased manner. The case remains unresolved and may never reach a satisfactory conclusion.
However, we take lessons from other parties’ experiences. For instance, UPC’s case reached the Supreme court, which ruled that Jimmy Akena was not the rightful president, yet he remains in power due to the backing of President Museveni and the state. Our resolutions included pursuing legal action, joining existing political parties, or forming a pressure group.
These were the options discussed by the delegates, but further consultations were necessary. During our consultations, we presented the challenges and opportunities associated with each option. The response varied: in Teso and, to some extent, Kasese, people expressed strong emotions about the FDC and preferred to fight for its recovery or seek reconciliation. However, the overall conclusion from our consultations is that forming a new party is the most viable path forward.
These days, starting a new party seems more challenging. How prepared are you?
Starting a new party has never been particularly difficult; the challenge lies in growing and sustaining it. To begin, you need 50 signatures from two-thirds of the districts and then register with the Electoral Commission. However, transforming a new party into a formidable force depends on the circumstances.
In Uganda, many people are focused on regime change and tend to support those with the highest chance of achieving it. This focus often leads to conflicts within parties. Our party has been established for some time, and new parties have always emerged in our context. We are not starting from scratch; rather, we are rejuvenating and reloading.
People should see us as a continuation rather than a completely new entity. At each stage of the party’s growth, attracting new supporters is crucial. The regime change will eventually end, as seen in countries like Sudan and Libya. When that happens, people will need capable leaders to guide the country.
While achieving regime change is a short-term goal, improving governance and building democracy are long-term objectives that should not be overlooked. We must communicate to the public that while regime change is essential, competent leadership will be crucial the day after the change.
Thus, we are focusing on building future leaders. As I am 52 years old and may have another decade of active involvement, we are concentrating on preparing the next generation of leaders to ensure the party’s longevity and success beyond my tenure. Today, for instance, I am meeting with university students as part of this effort.
We have many other opposition political parties; what new things are you bringing on board?
We are not a new party; we are simply rebranding. It’s important to understand that the animosity between DP and UPC towards FDC stemmed from FDC’s emergence and recruitment efforts. Similarly, the formation of a new party will involve recruiting from existing parties. This is why, for instance, NUP faced challenges with various parties, including FDC, as it also recruited from them.
In the interim, we aim to play a complementary role within the political landscape. However, it’s natural for individuals to move between parties, and we cannot prevent people from leaving other parties to join us or vice versa.
All parties in the political opposition are currently embroiled in problems; isn’t this good news for NRM with less than two years until the next election?
President Museveni, initially hostile towards all opposition parties, has shifted his approach as he ages. He now finds it cheaper to compromise with parties rather than to confront them, which avoids accusations of human rights violations and stiflin community.
Consequently, he has begun providing financial support to foster cooperation among these parties, leading to issues of credibility and suspicion within the public. Each party faces accusations of betrayal, with questions about who truly serves the public and who serves Museveni’s interests.
Additionally, opposition parties have struggled to function as democratic institutions, often operating more like cults that stifle internal debate. This leaves an opportunity for a party that genuinely values internal democracy and institutionalization. To effectively challenge Museveni, opposition parties must work diligently while also learning to be democratic and institutionalized. Regaining public trust is essential.
Currently, many politicians join parties primarily as vehicles to secure parliamentary positions, leading to a lack of loyalty to the country and a focus on personal gain. This trend has resulted in a political landscape populated by individuals who are not willing to make sacrifices and frequently shift affiliations. To address these issues, there is a need to recreate political parties and find individuals who prioritize the country over personal interests. Though challenging, this transformation is achievable.
Gen Muntu used to make these same arguments you are making now; has time vindicated him?
Mugisha Muntu (ANT president) argued that the primary objective was not merely to remove the government but to assemble a team committed to doing things correctly. He believed that even if his party did not win power, its contribution would be to influence those in power to act properly.
My concern with his approach was that it did not align with the public’s immediate demands; it introduced an alternative that seemed out of touch with current issues. A balanced approach is needed: fighting to end Museveni’s regime while also advocating for the principles Muntu promoted.
Focusing solely on Muntu’s vision risks being overlooked by the public, which is more concerned with immediate issues rather than long-term ideals. This disconnect has been a significant challenge for Muntu.
Some people encouraged Muntu to form a new party, but when he did, they didn’t join him. Don’t you run the same risk?
I’ve seen this all throughout my life. I remember when we left The Monitor to start The Observer; despite multiple meetings discussing the departure, most people stayed at Monitor. Fear of uncertainty is a common human reaction, as Augustine Ruzindana once told me.
Look at Pafo: Emmanuel Dombo was the chairman, Adolf Mwesige was the secretary general, and Kasule Lumumba was involved, yet when it came time to leave, people began to think about their own survival. Before Besigye stood for election in 2001Â he even asked Jabeli Bindandi Ssali to contest, but he refused.
Besigye ultimately ran because none of the more formidable candidates stepped forward. If you wait for everyone to agree, you’ll never accomplish anything. I sympathize with Muntu; many who were involved in discussions about forming a new party either didn’t join him or left later. Such outcomes are to be expected when dealing with human beings.