How Maj Kazoora got betrayed by President Museveni

Major JOHN BASHAIJA KAZOORA, one of the NRA bush war heroes, died on April 21 aged 67.

Renowned for being principled and outspoken to power, Kazoora was one of President Museveni’s close allies before they fell out following parliament’s removal of presidential term limits in 2005.

In this abridged version of a chapter from his book Betrayed By My Leader, Kazoora provides insight into the events that led to the severance of ties with President Museveni and the National Resistance Movement.

PRESIDENTIAL TERM LIMITS

Uganda’s history has been characterized by political instability. Against that background, the Constituency Assembly unanimously agreed that any president, after the enactment of the 1995 Uganda Constitution, was to have a maximum of two terms in office, of five years each.

Unfortunately, this decision could not be entrenched legally without holding a referendum. In his 2001 manifesto, President Museveni said, “I am once again offering myself to serve the people of Uganda because of my conviction that, together with you, we still have a mission to accomplish. I am taking on the challenge of contesting for a last presidential term”.

What a lie it was! How can a head of state tell such a naked lie in print? But this, however, was not the first time he was doing this. He once said that he would leave power when he reached 55.

In early 2003, some NRM leaders launched a campaign to amend the Constitution and remove term limits on the presidency. Right thinking Ugandans were opposed to this move, but it was undertaken against the background that the NRM had the majority in parliament, which was used with the “facilitation” (a bribe of Shs 5m) said to have been given to NRM legislators as an inducement for removing the term limits.

The source of the Uganda Shs 2.4 billion ($ 1,3m) given to legislators supporting the amendment of the Constitution on presidential term limits was unknown. Hope Mwesigye, Charles Bakkabulindi, and Anifa Kawooya were in charge of the assignment.

Mwesigye, who was then state minister for Parliamentary Affairs, shamelessly said that the money was meant to facilitate Movement MPs to transport registration cards and open up branch offices and party committees.

Another official version was that the MPs needed the money to go back to their constituencies to consult on the issue. Of course, it was a blatant bribe. To make sure that those who “chewed” the money voted accordingly, Nyombi Thembo moved a motion to amend the rules of procedure so that voting should be done in the open as opposed to a secret ballot.

But as luck would have it, the country is now able to know those who sold their souls to the devil. I was among the first to vote as my name Bashaija starts with B. Just before I voted (opposing the motion), I cautioned the House, once again, against the grave consequences the House was about to commit, and I said that we should tread carefully.

This plea fell on deaf ears, as if I was pleading to a lion that had just got its prey. I was not surprised but saddened by the outcome. I then knew that my time in the Movement was numbered.

One of the leading proponents of lifting the presidential term limits was the then vice president Gilbert Bukenva. Many years later, in an interview on July 15, 2012, he admitted that he had made a grave mistake and “a techincal mistake” in his own words. Shame that it took him all these years to realise the mistake.

Voices of reason in the Movement, including Bidandi Ssali, Eriya Kategaya, Miria Matembe, Sarah Kiyingi, Mugisha Muntu and others, pleaded with Museveni to stick to his word and not seek another term as president, but he was adamant.

The consequence of the pleading was that some of these people were sacked as punishment for their views. Unfortunately, the later “rehabilitated” Tinyefuza [Sejusa] tried to rewrite history by saying that those who were opposed to the lifting of presidential term limits were selfish individuals and angry with President Museveni for sacking them from cabinet. Some other mediocres referred to them as the malwa group.

DR KIZZA BESIGYE

Besigye showed interest in standing for president in the next election. As members of the Greater Ankole Parliamentary caucus, we met in the office of the minister of Public Service, Amanya Mushega, to plead with Besigye not to stand since it was Museveni’s last term as he had clearly indicated in his 2001 manifesto.

We wanted to give Museveni a decent exit, and Besigye was surprised that even at the time, we still had faith in Museveni. Eriya Kategaya asked, “Do you think Museveni can change the Constitution when he respects it so much?” to which Besigye laughed and said, “You have known him longer than me, and you still haven’t understood him.”

John Nasasira, on his part, said Museveni would never do such a thing as scrap presidential term limits. Miria Marembe said she would be the first to fight Museveni if he dared.

At which point, Besigye laughed at us, saying, “If Museveni leaves the presidency in 2006, then I will not be the son of Kifeefe”.

Indeed, Besigye had the last laugh when Museveni displayed his true colours. Unfortunately, the mob defeated reason. Members of Parliament overwhelmingly voted to remove presidential term limits from the Constitution, paving the way for President Museveni to contest in 2006 elections and beyond.

Some 220 MPs voted in favour of lifting term limits, while 53 of us opposed. I was terribly disappointed that Parliament reversed the good in the Constitution to give Museveni the chance to remain even longer as President.

His decision to seek a third presidential term reinforced Uganda’s democratic immaturity, and he forgot that institutions and the democratic process are more important than personalities. This officially marked the end of any relationship between Museveni and I.

PERSONAL ATTACKS

In March 2005, at a give-away function of Fred Kamugira’s daughter in Mbarara, Museveni said that Miria Matembe and I should abandon the “static wagon” and return to the Movement, as we had lost our way.

He said I should go back to Movement or else I would be hit by a tornado. He then said that those volunteering to woo us back should leave us if we refused to heed their call. He said that the Movement would go forward without us.

I wondered why he wanted me back in the Movement if, as he had said, I was such a ghastly legislator. When I refused to follow him, he was furious, and his jibes and threats became full-scale insults.

He audaciously labelled me a puppy in Rwakitura; a traitor in Kamwenge; a hypocrite in Gulu; meat stuck in the teeth in Bushenyi; a masquerader at Kololo; a betrayer at State I louse Nakasero; a wolf in a sheep’s skin at Kololo; a saboteur at Kanyaryeru; and a traitor and husks in millet in London.

FINALLY LEAVING THE MOVEMENT

Because of my political engagement and my belief in the canons of good governance, it was clear that Museveni wanted me out of parliament at any cost. He started looking for candidates to stand against me.

He used Fred Kamugira to mobilize elders and opinion leaders in Kashaari. About 300 of these were called to Rwakitura for a meeting that I was deliberately shut out of, despite being the area MP. If they were sincere about their cause, why were they meeting without involving me?

I decided to gate-crash the meeting. When I got to the quarter guard at Rwakitura, I told the guards that I was there to attend a Kashaari people meeting. Kamugira was shocked and embarrassed to see me arrive. He almost had a heart attack, I would say. Museveni, too, was shocked to see me.

However, he recovered quickly and took the opportunity to once again lambast me, calling Mugisha Muntu and I puppies. After the meeting, the other Kashaari members went to take “his” tea, but I just got into my car and left.

On realising that I had not taken his tea, he said, “Kazoora is so hot-tempered that he has even refused to take my tea—“Okuzira’’(boycott). As I drove out of Rwakitura, I knew that that was the end of the Movement and me. I immediately flew to South Africa and met Dr Kizza Besigye and gave him my unfleeting support for a new engagement in the political process of Uganda.

RETIREMENT FROM THE ARMY

I remained a Major until I retired from the army in January, 2005, having served for 23 years. I was retired with 27 other officers, some of whom were promoted as a send-off package.

We received our discharge certificates from the Chief of the Defence Forces (CDF), Gen Aronda Nyakairima (RIP). I purposely refused to wear army uniform because I was not ready to salute a general who had once been a captain while I was a major.

Not that I had anything personal against Aronda, a friend, but it is the system/institution that I was defying. For all my years of contribution and exploited youth, I was given a small plaque made of cheap Kirundu wood, which I threw at the very spot in Mpererwe where I had been saved by cigarettes while going to the bush in 1982.

But at long last, I had received my freedom, and I felt a weight had been lifted.

WHO WAS JOHN B KAZOORA?

He was born to Enock and Manjeri Kazoora of Rutooma, Kashaari, Mbarara district in 1958. He took part in Uganda’s Liberation Struggle of 1981-86.

Later, he served as the Special District Administrator (SDA) of Kabale (1985- 1986), and Kampala (1986-1988); Political Commissar at the School of Infantry Jinja (1988-1989); and Director in the President’s Office (Internal Security Organization) in charge of Political Affairs and later Administration and Finance (1989-1991).

He served as the Member of Parliament for Kashaari from 1996 to 2006 and chaired the parliamentary Government Assurances Committee.