
When Sudan’s Prime Minister, Dr. Kamil El-Tayeb Idris, stood before the United Nations Security Council in New York, his message was stark and deliberate.
Sudan, he said, had reached a moment where choices mattered more than rhetoric. Act now, and the country could begin to heal. Delay, and the suffering would deepen. Nearly a decade after cycles of conflict hardened into all-out war, Sudan is enduring one of the gravest crises in its history.
Cities lie in ruins, millions have fled their homes, and the country’s social fabric has been torn apart. Against this backdrop, the government has presented what it calls a homegrown peace initiative — a detailed roadmap it insists is rooted in Sudanese realities rather than imposed formulas.
“We are not seeking sympathy,” Dr. Idris told the Council. “We are seeking partnership — for peace, justice and dignity.”
A ROADMAP BORN OF NECESSITY
The initiative, formally presented after months of regional consultations, outlines a multi-layered plan to end hostilities, protect civilians and restore state authority. Dr. Idris was careful to frame it not as a victory declaration, but as a response to necessity.
The proposal, he said, is aligned with international principles and complements ongoing Saudi-American mediation efforts, while remaining firmly Sudanese-led. In its opening sections, the government casts the conflict as one driven by rebel militias formerly known as the Rapid Support Forces, accusing them of grave violations of international law that have fueled a humanitarian catastrophe and destabilised the wider region.
The stated aim is clear: to end the bloodshed, preserve Sudan’s unity and territorial integrity, and contribute to regional and international peace. At the core of the plan is a comprehensive ceasefire, to be declared and monitored jointly by the United Nations, the African Union and the League of Arab States.
The ceasefire would be followed by the withdrawal of rebel forces from occupied areas, in line with the Jeddah Declaration of Principles signed in May 2023. The proposal goes further, calling for militia fighters to be gathered into designated camps under joint international supervision.
There, combatants would be registered and documented — a first step toward accountability, disarmament and eventual reintegration.
CIVILIANS, JUSTICE AND REBUILDING TRUST
Humanitarian concerns run through the initiative. The government pledges to facilitate the safe return of internally displaced people, support the voluntary return of refugees and guarantee unrestricted humanitarian access to all affected areas.
Disarmament is framed as non-negotiable. Weapons collected under international supervision, the government says, must not be recycled back into the conflict. At the same time, the plan outlines confidence-building measures anchored in Security Council Resolution 2736, emphasising Sudanese ownership of the peace process.
Politically, the transitional government commits to accountability that distinguishes between those responsible for serious crimes and those who were drawn into the conflict without committing atrocities.
Offenders would face transitional justice mechanisms, while others could be considered for reconciliation. The government also promises not to strip returnees of identity documents — a small but significant assurance in a country where displacement has erased paper trails and legal status. Security sector reform forms another pillar.
The initiative proposes integrating eligible individuals into regular forces and rolling out disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration programmes, backed by regional and international partners.
Economic recovery would focus on war-ravaged regions such as Darfur and Kordofan, through reconstruction projects, microfinance schemes, job creation and skills training.
The plan culminates in a Sudanese–Sudanese political dialogue during the transitional period, followed by free and fair elections under international supervision — the long- promised democratic horizon after years of upheaval.
“There can be no peace without accountability, no stability without unified national authority, and no future without healing,” Dr. Idris told the Council, urging members to be remembered as partners in Sudan’s recovery rather than distant observers.
KAMPALA, AFRICA AND A WIDER RECKONING
The roots of this international pitch stretch back to Kampala. Last December, at a Pan-African symposium held at Hotel Africana, Sudan’s Ambassador to Uganda, H.E. Ahmed Ibrahim Ahmed, laid out a vision that focused less on the war itself and more on what must follow it: a civilian prime minister, an inclusive national dialogue and the dismantling of militias that have turned neighbourhoods into frontlines.
The symposium, organised by the Pan-African Movement alongside the Sudanese community in Uganda, drew diplomats, civil society leaders, journalists and community representatives.
By its close, delegates adopted the Kampala Declaration — a sweeping African diagnosis of Sudan’s war and a call for African-led solutions.
“Sudan has long supported liberation movements across Africa and continues to host many African communities and refugees,” Ambassador Ahmed told the gathering.
“Today, as Sudan endures an unprecedented war in our region, African solidarity is more essential than ever.”
His argument went beyond Sudan’s borders. The conflict, he warned, is no longer a purely internal tragedy but a continental test case. Armed groups sustained by foreign money, weapons and political cover threaten to turn Sudan into a template for proxy warfare across Africa.
That concern has resonated widely. Many African governments see Sudan’s war as a measure of whether the continent can defend sovereignty, resist external manipulation and craft its own pathways out of crisis.
Whether the Security Council will rally behind Sudan’s initiative remains uncertain. But by carrying a plan forged in regional debate to the world’s most powerful diplomatic chamber, Sudan has made one thing clear: the question now is not whether a roadmap exists, but whether the international community is willing to walk it.
