Over the past few weeks, the Patriotic League of Uganda (PLU) has ramped up speed in positioning itself as the vehicle driving Uganda’s political transition, even as they swing between being an illegal political formation and a pressure group within the ruling party spearheaded by a serving military officer in unabashed contravention of the law.
How PLU defines itself matters: a 2011 journal article, State Institutions and The Survival of Dictatorships, stated that leadership transitions in regimes where state power is highly personalized.
The article argued that the transitions often stoke tensions within elite factions over the issue of leadership succession, realign key actors and provoke elite splits.
Surprisingly, institutions, which authoritarians work hard to dumb down, matter even more in such precarious transitions.
“Unconstitutional transfers of power disrupt the stability of the regime by creating an environment of uncertainty. In the absence of rules to guide behaviour, elite activity becomes unpredictable, enabling minority factions to purge rivals and push for the formation of a new regime.”
Thus, loud and proud, PLU is seizing the moment, getting ahead of any transition jitters as the ruling party National Resistance Party (NRM) that overwhelmingly won the 2026 election with 71 per cent seemingly takes a back seat.
The state machinery is firmly in the hands of the PLU chair, the Commander of the Defence Forces (CDF), and First Son, Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba (MK), who grows bolder in tandem with his social media following on X where he tweets and/or deletes on everything his light touches, peppered with lowbrow, posts like, ‘If you love me, like, if don’t like me, retweet.’
A win is a win for those who argue that there is no such thing as bad publicity in this era of likes and follows – of rage baiting and trending.
PLU has boldly started on a presidential election campaign – even endorsed by the Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Thomas Tayebwa, who in the words of the oath found in the Fourth Schedule of the Constitution of Uganda, solemnly swore in the name of the Almighty God to at all times, truly serve the Republic of Uganda, to support and uphold the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda.
On the surface, PLU has a shiny veneer of civility and brotherhood – all cloaked in the wonderful language of patriotism – for the love of Uganda.
Some of the latest converts coming in from the cold bleakness of life in the harassed opposition into the warm vibrant sun of PLU, are singing high praises, lauding it as the most viable opposition to the ruling party.
How absolutely spot on. PLU has all the freedom to mobilize to its heart’s delight. Their leader is not hounded into exile, and their supporters are not abducted and held incommunicado. Life is good.
From holding national birthdays, marathons, to launching presidential campaigns to collect 25 million signatures in support of MK’s presidential candidature, PLU is who they think they are.
Fashioning itself in the militant origins of NRM/NRA, the PLU has stepped up a peculiar initiative – handing out membership numbers. These numbers are a big deal going by the online jousting and clamouring amongst MK/PLU supporters.
According to veteran journalist Andrew Mwenda, who, among the many hats he wears, has privileged access to the ruling families in Uganda and Rwanda, and is a close confidant of MK and spokesperson of PLU, stated on his X account, “…these numbers reflect the contribution of these individuals to the organization and their seniority in it. Also note that PO stands for Patriotic Officer.”
If a number denotes power, then that power is derived from the one who allocates the number – MK. It is now abundantly clear that MK, a serving public officer, is beyond reproach.
Political scientists opine that highly personalized autocracies such as Museveni’s NRM are excellent at collapsing state institutions that would act as necessary checks and balances to their power.
As they continue to pursue regime security as their top priority, they attract first-rate sycophancy, surrounding themselves with patrons who sing their highest praises. Dissent becomes increasingly dangerous – any criticism, even the most well-intentioned, can easily have one ‘disappeared’.
That sycophancy is intoxicating- the supreme leader can do no wrong – ‘TASOBYA!’. A few weeks ago, MK during his episodic X tirades, posted extremist ethnic statements that any sane governance system would immediately stand to attention – but no, the government of Uganda was as silent as the grave.
Even the grave was in awe. It was not the first time that MK spouted racist colonial rhetoric about superior races with aquiline noses (he commonly denigrates the leading opposition figure, Robert Kyagulanyi by insulting his nose).
In the now-deleted tweets, MK threw all caution to the wind in a region that has witnessed the bloody trauma of a genocide in neighbouring Rwanda, amidst simmering genocidal undertones in ongoing conflicts in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.
Meanwhile, a young NRM activist, Ivan Mwijukye, who called Rwanda’s attention to MK’s unsettling extremist rhetoric was later abducted and his forlorn picture shared on MK’s X account as MK supporters accused Mwijukye of seeking to destabilize relations between Uganda and Rwanda.
They received news of his abduction with robust gloating, declaring that MK can do no wrong. While MK later posted an apology over his extremist tweets, Ivan Mwijukye remains incommunicado.
On why MK remains above reproach, Mwenda, in an August 26 YouTube interview by The Observer Uganda columnist Yusuf Serunkuuma, argued that MK is MK – a CDF who also happens to be the President’s son – thus there are privileges and spaces open to only MK.
Therafa, MK is not restricted by ‘technical’ constraints of Uganda’s Constitution. This stance is extremely disquieting and duplicitous. Dear PLU members, as you unapologetically cheer on MK’s abuse of privilege, will you build a better Uganda riding roughshod over the basic tenets of good governance?
When you laugh about MK’s ‘basement’, the torture and illegal detention of opposition supporters, do you realise that they are just as Ugandan as you and your mighty PO buddies?
That they want the same things you want – a Uganda that works for us all, good schools for our children, hospitals we can rely on, a capital city we can all be proud of, the freedom to support whomever you choose?
Perhaps to support him is to continue President Museveni’s legacy without rocking the boat because who can see the army headed by the President’s son doing something so patriotic as submitting to any other leader?
The reality is, the post-Museveni era calls for a peculiar type of leader. If Museveni, the hunter of hunters, fighter of fighters, has held this animal together for 40 years – what does that mean for the one who seeks to come after him by forcefully shoving his way to power and not by a bush war?
Perhaps the problem is my weak faith that has me disbelieving the ‘miracle’ you worship so vociferously. Ba dia PLU, forgive me again – my letter to you has dissolved into a lament.
Blame the 1995 Uganda Constitution whose opening paragraph now reads like a premium lament: “We the people of Uganda: recalling our history which has been characterised by political and constitutional instability; recognising our struggles against the forces of tyranny, oppression and exploitation…”
Dear Patriotic Officer (PO), what manner of patriotism is this that betrays Uganda?
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The writer is a tayaad muzzukulu.